E-Commerce and Economic Development in Angola

E-Commerce and Economic Development in Angola ABSTRACT In this report as the title tells, I approach the economic development of Angola in terms of one of its major developer, the internet and ecommerce. I have done this because it is often impossible to glean important facts and insights about such countries which a society pronounces poor or third world. In the chapters that follow, I will relate to the ecommerce and its effect of economic development of Angola, compare Angola with a developing country as well as with an underdeveloped nation. Firstly economic development is discussed in relation to electronic commerce in order to show the complexities and ease related to drawing a clear line between the two forms. Secondly economic development is discussed in relation to ecommerce, economy, culture, elements which influence the issue in one way or another. For, as shall be repeatedly seen, problems like economic support from a developed state have a close and continuing relation to the values and social structures which a society regards as stable and normal. My emphasis will be, however, on the problem itself, called ecommerce and its effect on the economic development of Angola. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Introduction Electronic Commerce Electronic commerce, generally identified as (electronic marketing) e-commerce or eCommerce, consists of the buying and selling of products or services over electronic systems for example the Internet and other computer networks. The total of trade conducted electronically has grown unusually with widespread Internet usage. The use of commerce is conducted in this way, spurring and drawing on innovations in electronic funds transfer, supply chain management, Internet marketing, online deal processing, electronic data interchange (EDI), inventory management systems, and automated data collection systems. Modern electronic commerce typically uses the World Wide Web at least at some point in the deals lifecycle, although it can encompass a wider range of technologies such as e-mail as well. (Miller, 2002) Internet Ecommerce The previous ten years have seen the internet and e-commerce surface as fundamental features of our business, communal and educational life. Developments for example Web 2.0, the semantic web, e-government strategies, user generated content, virtual worlds and online social networks have redesign the way we commune, intermingle and transact. The Evolution of Electronic Commerce The numerous means in which business is carried out are based on established suppositions and accords between the parties concerned. Numerous procedures have been agreed upon to safeguard both the consumer and the merchant from deception or theft. Even in the simplest form of dealcash changing hands directly between buyer and sellera sales receipt is classically provided as a record of what turned out. As we move into the electronic business field, the means of protection become more and more concerned. The essence of ecommerce is buying and selling of goods and services over the Internet. The advantages are fairly self-evident. Because the Internet is readily accessible by millions of prospective customers worldwide, suppliers and customers can interact in a dynamic environment where supply and demand truly regulate the economic cycle. Organisations of any size, from sole proprietorships to multinational corporations, can expand their business to reach new customers in new markets, some even achieving a notable level of efficiency. The sole proprietor is able to broaden the scope of his/her business to a mass market approach, while the multinational corporation can now focus on niche markets heretofore considered too costly to access using the traditional mechanisms for market penetration. (Austin, 1999) Further study discloses some specific downsides to the Internet business paradigm. What you basically have is computers (presumably being operated by humans) trading responsive financial data by means of a widely-available communications infrastructure. Unexpectedly the matters of accountability (being able to attribute a deal to the actual instigator) and accountability (attributing responsibility to each participant for their part of the deal) become more vital than ever. A lot of propaganda has been generated over the initial incursions into electronic commerce. It seems ubiquitously we turn someone is singing the praises of electronic catalogues, online shopping, electronic check writing, web-based advertising and customer prospecting, and on and on. The truly brave can even purchase a car over the Internet. But these consumer-oriented business activities taking place on the Internet today are just the tip of the iceberg. From the perspective of true international commerce, we have not yet begun to do business electronically. Infrastructure of Ecommerce The main issue that requires to be dealt with before electronic commerce can convey on its assurance is the development of an international infrastructure that all of the main players can be in agreement upon. In most circles this infrastructure is called the International Information Infrastructure (GII). This electronic infrastructure must make available all of the compensations needed for a healthy e-commerce strategy: Â § Security-enabled. This is essential to permit development of convenient solutions which provide accountabilityknowing the real who in a deal. Beyond that, the ability to impute liability to any and all parties concerned in completing a deal is a must for business. For suppliers, e-commerce will be about establishing the identity of the individuals who represent the parties concerned. It means that all participants have a confident reliance on users identity, while holding each party liable to perform their role in the deal. (Jacobsen, 2000) Â § Ultra-reliable. In electronic commerce, transactions take place without those worried ever meeting in person, and that implies the need for a technology presentation and dependability factor of 99.99%, especially for mission-vital applications. An infrastructure must be reliable and trusted on a continuous basis. Any weak connection in its safety measures will deliver the whole impracticable for serious electronic commerce. Â § International. Electronic business cannot be restricted to the country of origin. As we progress into the future, e-commerce must transcend national boundaries. We need an absolute e-commerce infrastructure. To be really effectual, e-commerce providers will need an infrastructure which is international in its nature, or recognise that electronic business is closed by national boundaries. Distinct from the international mass user and point solutions-based Internet market of today, large organisations are becoming critically attentive that they will need to manage accountability and liability in providing any significant level of customer security, especially with end-user customers, but especially in business between themselves in their interactions with employees, partners and suppliers. (Jacobsen, 2000) After two decades of declining economic performance, Angola is currently staging a promising revival. Over the past several years, average real economic expansion in the region has increased vitally while, in a growing number of countries, real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has been positive. In 1998, despite financial turmoil in Asia and Latin America, Angola enjoyed its fourth consecutive year of positive GDP expansion. Nevertheless, Angolas current economic revival remains fragile. Up to date expansion has not yet reached the sustained levels that are essential to alleviate widespread poverty endemic to the region. A number of hurdles still need to be effectively addressed and overcome if the transform process and current revival are to lead to broad-based and sustainable development for Angola. Furthermore, conditions vary widely among the forty-eight states of Angola and this diversity must be taken into account in assessing the countrys prospects. Fortunately, as this article seeks to demonstrate, there are reasons to be optimistic that many Angolan states can overcome the remaining hurdles to sustained expansion. A new generation of Angolan leaders and entrepreneurs and current developments in the areas of private sector expansion, debt relief, regional economic integration, and telecommunications have the potential to economic expansion in means not heretofore anticipated. Regional Transformation And Economic Revival Angolas up to date economic performance has indeed been encouraging. Between 1990 and 1997, the number of Angolan states registering annual expansion rates of three to six percent nearly doubled, from fourteen in the beginning of the decade to twenty-six in 1997, while seven Angolan states had expansion rates of six to eight percent. According to the International Finance Corporation (IFC), after almost two decades of stagnation and decline, real GDP in Angola was growing at an average rate in 1997 of four to five percent a year. The World Bank reported that over eighty percent of countries (thirty-eight out of forty-eight) registered increased per capita incomes in 1997, as their rates of economic expansion exceeded their population expansion rate. (World Bank Group, 1998) According to the most up to date data, 1998 was the fourth consecutive year that GDP per capita did not fall, an event that has not happened in Angola since the late 1970s,(Department Of Econ. Soc. Affairs Unite d Nations Conference On Trade Dev., 1999) while the 3.3% expansion in 1998 GDP was the highest among all regions of the world. (Economic Soc. Poly Div., Economic Commn For Afr., 1999) Increased macroeconomic stabilitya result of sound financial and political policieshas been encouraging increased levels of investment in the region over the past several years. Average inflation fell from a peak of forty-five percent in 1994 to an estimated twelve percent in 1998, with only fifteen Angolan states still experiencing double-digit inflation rates by 1997, compared with thirty-five in 1994, according to the IMF. There has also been a vital reduction in internal and external financial imbalances. The average external current account deficit (before grants) fell from 5.5% of GDP to 4% over the same period, while the average overall fiscal deficit (again before grants) was halved between 1992 and 1997, to about 4.5% of GDP.(Calamitsis, 1998) As a result, investment in the region has been steadily growing, according to the IFCs 1998 report. In 1998, gross domestic investment rose to twenty-three percent of GDP, from lows of about fifteen percent in the early 1990s. Private investment has also increased, registering 10.6% of GDP in 1996, the highest level since 1981. Long-term private capital flows to Angola in 1997 reached $8 billion, twice as high as in the previous year. Along with investment levels, Angolan trade and export earnings have increased. While Angolas share of total world trade has not changed, the volume of Angolan exports is expanding almost as fast as international trade and Angola is emerging as a viable international trading partner. Angolas trade volume increased by eight percent in 1997, according to UN s, with exports having expanded roughly twice as fast as GDP in up to date years. The regions up to date expansion has been widely attributed to the efforts of a new generation of transform-minded Angolan leaders in key countries who, through the adoption of democratic and market-based transforms, have made substantial progress in moving their countries toward political and macroeconomic stability. Many Angolan states continue to implement trade liberalisation and privatisation programmes that are freeing up their markets and helping them to become more active participants in international commercial activity and economic progress. In such a positive political and economic environment, private sector led trade and investment can now play an increasingly important role in bringing broad-based expansion and sustainable development to the region. Some countries in Angola have already begun to reap the rewards that can result from sounder fiscal and monetary policies, increased regional economic integration, and accelerated privatisation programmes. Chief among the rewards is expanded trade, investment, and access to the international marketplace, as international companies increasingly look to Angolas emerging economies and Angolan entrepreneurs and private sector organisations seek to play a more visible role in the economies of their countries. These trends suggest that the growing private sector in Angola has real potential to become an important engine for expansion and economic development in the region, as it has already in other regions of the developing world. Investment And Expansion Despite the up to date positive economic trends and expansion of the private sector in Angola, as we enter the new millennium, sustained, broad-based economic development in the region remains one of the most formidable policy challenges facing the country. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Angola (ECA), in order for Angola to cut its poverty in half by the year 2015, a development objective often cited by Angolan governments and their development partners, the region as a whole would require a yearly GDP expansion rate of seven percent. For this to happen, an investment of thirty-three percent of GDP would be needed for Angola as a whole. Achieving domestic investment of thirty-three percent looks increasingly unlikely, as two of the three components of domestic investment are declining or stagnant. While the regions current domestic savings rate is only estimated at fifteen percent, annual inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) remain low, and the levels o f official development assistance of up to date years are declining. The renewed expansion in many countries has not yet reached, let alone been sustained at, levels that would alleviate the widespread poverty endemic to the region. The great majority of the regions population continues to live at levels well below the poverty line, with forty percent living on less than one dollar a day, according to the World Bank. (The World Bank Group, 1999) Furthermore, the globalisation phenomenon, which has been highlighted by growing economic integration and rapid technological change, has often meant increased prosperity for those countries able to compete in an increasingly integrated international economy, but steady decline and marginalisation for those not able to compete. Still, too many countries have remained largely on the sidelines, saddled by debt and relying primarily on foreign assistance for many of their development needsat a time when such assistance is on the decline. Among the current obstacles to reaching levels of expansion that will bring broad-based development to the region, the following three matters pose particularly vital challenges: (1) the uncertain future of the transform process, (2) Angolas debt burden, and (3) the regions limited participation in the international trading system. A Delaying Transformation Although more than thirty countries have launched political and economic transform programmes over the last decade, the transform process has not been uniform across the country. Angolan leaders in some countries have been unwilling or unable to implement transform programmes, sometimes as a result of political or civil instability. In other countries, the difficulties or costs of transform have threatened to undermine the process and raise the possibility that a country could abandon the process before it has had sufficient time to bear fruit. For example, Zimbabwe has only recently re-instituted some protectionist measures, including increased duties and exchange restrictions in response to mounting foreign exchange pressures. Moreover, trade regimes in many Angolan states remain complex and restrictive compared with those of most other developing countries. Such regimes isolate their domestic producers and prevent them from becoming more fully integrated into the international tra ding system. In addition, the privatisation process has been sluggishthe victim of public mistrust and a lack of consensus among policymakers. In an up to date World Bank study that shed light on the problems of privatisation in Angola, the lack of political commitment, poor design, insufficient resources, weak management, and corruption were cited as major factors inhibiting the process. The report highlighted the need for Angolan governments to improve public information as the most powerful tool for ensuring transparency, helping to build consensus, and assuring commitment and accountability in the process. (White Bhatia, 1998) Poor economic environments and policies in some countries have also inhibited increased trade and investment. These conditions have caused rampant inflation and high interest rates and have prevented Angolan policymakers from fully abandoning foreign exchange controls and other restrictions. Earlier that year, Botswana became the first and only country in Angola to abolish all forms of exchange controls, (Steyn, 1999) while in some countries, inflation continues to lead to debilitating currency crisis. In Malawi, for example, inflation is now hovering at around 53% (up from 18.5% recorded at the same period in 1998), an indicator that the currency may need to be devalued yet again, after a devaluation of 67% in 1998. (Pan Angolan News Agency, 1999) Continued volatility in the Angolan market environment underlines the need for continued success in the transform process. The Liability Burden In addition to delaying transform, Angolas external liability burden continues to be a major obstacle to investment and further expansion, particularly in the highly indebted poor countries. Many Angola economies are unusually indebted with an average of twenty percent of GDP going directly to liability servicing, according to UNCTAD. (Sachs Stevens, 1998) In 1998, liability service increased to $35 billion, or more than thirty-one percent of goods and nearly three percent of service exports, up from $33 billion in 1997. The external liability of Angolan states rose moderately from $349 billion in 1998, according to the ECA. As a proportion of exports and GDP, the external liability of Angola is the highest of any developing region. Not only does Angolas liability deter private investment, including foreign direct investment, but it also impedes public investment in physical and human infrastructureinvestment vital to a countrys economic development. The IMF estimated that, by the end of 1999, Angolas liability to GDP ratio would rise to almost sixty-eight percent, up from fifty-two percent two years earlier. (International Monetary Fund, 1998) The region will continue to be crippled by mounting liability, draining it of needed resources that could otherwise be invested back into the regions economy, unless there is more rapid and effective liability relief matched with sustained expansion. Angola in the International Trading System and International Economy Angola is currently facing growing marginalisation in the international economy with its share of international production and trade in decline. Despite rising levels of Angolan domestic production and trade volumes over the last several years, the countrys share of international trade has continued to declineit was less than two percent in 1997. If the region is to gain an economic foothold and develop into the next century, it must attract more investment and trade, and become a more competitive trading partner in the new international economic system. Increasing commitments to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other regional accords thereby becoming a more active participant in the international trading systemis one way for Angola to attract investment and trade. The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations resulted in the creation of a stronger set of rules governing international trade and the creation of the WTO, the successor to the General Accords on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unfortunately, many countries in Angola were generally unable and unprepared to effectively participate in the negotiations and, partly as a result, have not been able to take advantage of the new international trading system. Although eighty-five percent of Angolan states are currently members of the WTO, limited trained staff and other pressing needs prevent many of them from active participation in WTO developments, further trade negotiations, and implementation of existing Uruguay Round accords. In addition, they have as yet been unable to take full advantage of numerous unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral preferential trading schemes designed to help expand access for Angolas products and integrate Angolas economies into the world trading system. The region is more likely to reap a larger share of international production and trade if it more actively participates in and undertakes meaningful commitments in the international trade organisation that is fostering the expansion of world trade. Road To Further Expansion And Sustainable Development In light of the existing challenges, what measures now need to be pursued to address these constraints and consolidate and build on the gains Angolas transformers have made over the past several years? According to Evangelos A. Calamitsis, former Director of the Angolan Department of the International Monetary Fund, the present economic upswing in Angola, unlike other recoveries in the past, has been largely homegrown and is therefore more likely to continue. However, Angolas present revival is most likely to endure if Angolan leaders can sustain and broaden the process toward transform and capitalise on several areas of strength that are breathing new life into the debate on private sector expansion and economic development. Staying the Road to Transformation Although outside the scope of this article, developments in Angolan states that are not counted as leading transformers can greatly influence the overall prospects for expansion on the country. For example, the fighting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in Angola can have a negative impact on the investment climate in neighbouring countries. On the other hand, the return of civilian rule in Nigeria and the prospects of better economic management can do a great deal to bolster investor confidence in the economic prospects for the country as a whole. Angolan leaders need to continue the political and economic transform process and encourage its spread to those countries that have not yet undertaken transforms. Many Angolan leaders have already demonstrated that they understand what needs to be done and have initiated the process. Still, the process must continue. If the region is to achieve high-quality and sustained expansionexpansion that will lead to poverty reduction and broad-based developmentin the years ahead, the transform process must be revitalised so that the changes become inexorably woven into the regions economic fabric. By continuing to implement sound fiscal and monetary policies and by accelerating the privatisation and trade liberalisation process, Angolan states will be proving to the international business community that Angola is serious about transform and ready and willing to do business. Despite up to date turbulence in the international economic environment, most Angolan states have resisted protectionist pressures. Their commitment to continue trade liberalisation highlights a general recognition among Angolas economic policymakers that increased trade has beenand will continue to bea key to expansion. In addition, Angolas growing participation in the WTO and regional trading arrangements by institutionalising policy transforms and binding lower tariffs and other trade liberalising measures can help to prevent countries from resorting to protectionist measures in the future. Role of Angolas Development Partners Angolas developed trade partners and the international financial institutions must continue to support regional transform if the process is to be sustainable. While Angolan states retain primary ownership and responsibility, for the process, the international community can support their efforts by (1) pursuing policies that promote world economic expansion and financial stability and expand the regions access to international markets, (2) providing meaningful liability relief, (3) continuing to supply technical and financial assistance to countries committed to transform, and (4) assisting Angolas regional economic groupings. Several up to date bilateral and multilateral initiatives demonstrate the commitment of some developed countries to support the regions up to date economic progress. While early speculation as to the potential impact of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations on the least-developed Angolan states was largely pessimistic following the Rounds conclusion, up to date bilateral and multilateral efforts are focusing on helping Angola take advantage of specific areas where it actually stands to gain as a result of the Round. According to an up to date report by the United States International Trade Commission on the Uruguay Round and U.S.-Angola trade flows, [t]hese gains can range from facing fewer restrictions and lower tariffs overall, affecting all WTO members, to specific market-access provisions that may benefit Angola in particular.(U.S. Intl Trade Commission, 1998) Efforts are also underway to expand existing preferential trading schemes like those under the Lome Convention and the U.S. Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) programme. For example, the Angolan Expansion and Opportunity Act (AGOA), now before the U.S. Congress, extends GSP to eligible Angolan beneficiary countries through June 30, 2008. In addition, the legislationas passed by the Housewould authorise the President to extend duty-free treatment under the GSP programme to all imports from transforming Angolan beneficiary countries, including those now considered to be import-sensitive. The changes to the GSP programme would support Angolas transformers by allowing their products increased access to international markets and would help to further integrate Angola into the international trading system, thereby increasing considerably the regions future economic prospects. In addition, a number of bilateral and multilateral technical assistance programmes in up to date years have sought to increase Angolas meaningful participation in WTO and diversify the regions trade. For example, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has funded a number of activities to increase Angolan governments capacity in the telecommunications area and in dealing with other WTO-related subjects. At the same time, some Angolan governments have recognised the importance of participating more actively in the work of the WTO in Geneva. As a result, developed and developing countries have joined together in proposals to have the WTO trade ministers at their meeting in Seattle in November 1999 and call for the WTO to improve and expand its technical assistance programmes for developing countries. Liability Reduction In the area of liability relief, international pressure has been mounting to expand the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in Angola. Launched by the World Bank and the IMF in 1996, the programme aims to provide exceptional liability relief assistance to forty-one eligible countries that are pursuing transforms, eighty-five percent of which are in Angola, according to the IMF.(Katsouris, 1998) Although to date, only two Angolan states, Uganda and Mozambique, have benefited from the HIPC Initiative (with a twenty percent and a two-thirds reduction of their respective debts), Burkina Faso, Cote d Ivoire, and Mali are scheduled to receive actual liability reduction in the next three years, according to the ECA. At the June 1999 Cologne Summit, the G-7 reached accord on the enhanced HIPC liability relief initiative. This scheme will provide faster, broader, and deeper relief for HIPC countries. The agreed enhancements to the HIPC Initiative accept, almost entirely, President Clintons proposals, as laid out during his address to the U.S.-Angola Ministerial in March 1999. The new HIPC will include a requirement to use savings from liability reduction to provide increased spending on social needs and human development. The $90 billion of liability reduction will require additional resources from the creditor governments and the international financial institutions. Under the proposal, up to 10 million ounces of the IMFs 104 million ounces of gold reserves would be sold in phases, with investment interest used to reduce the liability load of thirty-three poor countries in Angola. Paralleling the HIPC Initiative are unilateral and bilateral efforts that support faster and broader reduction of Angolas liability. For example, in March of 1999, the Clinton administration announced a new U.S. initiative that, if fully implemented, would amount to an additional $70 billion in liability cancellation for the heavily indebted poor countries. The Presidents initiative provides for (1) a focus on early cash flow relief by the international financial institutions, (2) complete forgiveness of bilateral concessional loans and ninety percent forgiveness of non-concessional liability, (3) a future international commitment to make at least ninety percent of new aid on a grant basis, and (4) the channelling of resources from the HIPC Initiative into education or environmental protection projects. In addition, on September 29, 1999, President Clinton announced at the IMF/World Bank annual meeting that he will seek legislative authorisation to forgive 100 percent of the liabilit y of HIPC countries owed to the United States when relief will help finance basic human needs. Regional Economic Integration and Globalisation A growing number of Angolan leaders appear to recognise the potential benefits of increased economic cooperation and have been supporting efforts at economic integration. Although many of the Angolan regional economic organisations, such as SADC, COMESA, WAEMU, and ECOWAS, have existed for a long time, only recently have these regional groupings taken vital steps toward the creation of free trade areas. The creation of larger integrated Angolan markets should result in enhanced opportunities for foreign and domestic investment, greater competition among firms, better utilisation and allocation of resources, internal and external economies of scale, and increased efficiency resulting from specialisation. Further, by enhancing trade among themselves as well as diversifying and expanding their production base, Angolan states stand to increase trade with other regions as well, thereby increasing the countrys share of international trade. The United States and international organisations have been supporting Angolas economic integration efforts. At the March 1999 Ministerial Meeting on Angola in Washington, D.C., the United States reaffirmed its continuing commitment to providing technical assistance to Angolas economic integration organisations such as EAC, SADC, IGAD, and COMESA and announced plans for extending that support to a greater number of regional groupings. Bilateral cooperation between the United States and SADC has been expanding over the last several years, a development highlighted by the first ever SADC-U.S. forum held in mid-April, 1999, in Botswana, where officials announced plans for the future establishment of a joint Business Council that would facilitate permanent dial E-Commerce and Economic Development in Angola E-Commerce and Economic Development in Angola ABSTRACT In this report as the title tells, I approach the economic development of Angola in terms of one of its major developer, the internet and ecommerce. I have done this because it is often impossible to glean important facts and insights about such countries which a society pronounces poor or third world. In the chapters that follow, I will relate to the ecommerce and its effect of economic development of Angola, compare Angola with a developing country as well as with an underdeveloped nation. Firstly economic development is discussed in relation to electronic commerce in order to show the complexities and ease related to drawing a clear line between the two forms. Secondly economic development is discussed in relation to ecommerce, economy, culture, elements which influence the issue in one way or another. For, as shall be repeatedly seen, problems like economic support from a developed state have a close and continuing relation to the values and social structures which a society regards as stable and normal. My emphasis will be, however, on the problem itself, called ecommerce and its effect on the economic development of Angola. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Introduction Electronic Commerce Electronic commerce, generally identified as (electronic marketing) e-commerce or eCommerce, consists of the buying and selling of products or services over electronic systems for example the Internet and other computer networks. The total of trade conducted electronically has grown unusually with widespread Internet usage. The use of commerce is conducted in this way, spurring and drawing on innovations in electronic funds transfer, supply chain management, Internet marketing, online deal processing, electronic data interchange (EDI), inventory management systems, and automated data collection systems. Modern electronic commerce typically uses the World Wide Web at least at some point in the deals lifecycle, although it can encompass a wider range of technologies such as e-mail as well. (Miller, 2002) Internet Ecommerce The previous ten years have seen the internet and e-commerce surface as fundamental features of our business, communal and educational life. Developments for example Web 2.0, the semantic web, e-government strategies, user generated content, virtual worlds and online social networks have redesign the way we commune, intermingle and transact. The Evolution of Electronic Commerce The numerous means in which business is carried out are based on established suppositions and accords between the parties concerned. Numerous procedures have been agreed upon to safeguard both the consumer and the merchant from deception or theft. Even in the simplest form of dealcash changing hands directly between buyer and sellera sales receipt is classically provided as a record of what turned out. As we move into the electronic business field, the means of protection become more and more concerned. The essence of ecommerce is buying and selling of goods and services over the Internet. The advantages are fairly self-evident. Because the Internet is readily accessible by millions of prospective customers worldwide, suppliers and customers can interact in a dynamic environment where supply and demand truly regulate the economic cycle. Organisations of any size, from sole proprietorships to multinational corporations, can expand their business to reach new customers in new markets, some even achieving a notable level of efficiency. The sole proprietor is able to broaden the scope of his/her business to a mass market approach, while the multinational corporation can now focus on niche markets heretofore considered too costly to access using the traditional mechanisms for market penetration. (Austin, 1999) Further study discloses some specific downsides to the Internet business paradigm. What you basically have is computers (presumably being operated by humans) trading responsive financial data by means of a widely-available communications infrastructure. Unexpectedly the matters of accountability (being able to attribute a deal to the actual instigator) and accountability (attributing responsibility to each participant for their part of the deal) become more vital than ever. A lot of propaganda has been generated over the initial incursions into electronic commerce. It seems ubiquitously we turn someone is singing the praises of electronic catalogues, online shopping, electronic check writing, web-based advertising and customer prospecting, and on and on. The truly brave can even purchase a car over the Internet. But these consumer-oriented business activities taking place on the Internet today are just the tip of the iceberg. From the perspective of true international commerce, we have not yet begun to do business electronically. Infrastructure of Ecommerce The main issue that requires to be dealt with before electronic commerce can convey on its assurance is the development of an international infrastructure that all of the main players can be in agreement upon. In most circles this infrastructure is called the International Information Infrastructure (GII). This electronic infrastructure must make available all of the compensations needed for a healthy e-commerce strategy: Â § Security-enabled. This is essential to permit development of convenient solutions which provide accountabilityknowing the real who in a deal. Beyond that, the ability to impute liability to any and all parties concerned in completing a deal is a must for business. For suppliers, e-commerce will be about establishing the identity of the individuals who represent the parties concerned. It means that all participants have a confident reliance on users identity, while holding each party liable to perform their role in the deal. (Jacobsen, 2000) Â § Ultra-reliable. In electronic commerce, transactions take place without those worried ever meeting in person, and that implies the need for a technology presentation and dependability factor of 99.99%, especially for mission-vital applications. An infrastructure must be reliable and trusted on a continuous basis. Any weak connection in its safety measures will deliver the whole impracticable for serious electronic commerce. Â § International. Electronic business cannot be restricted to the country of origin. As we progress into the future, e-commerce must transcend national boundaries. We need an absolute e-commerce infrastructure. To be really effectual, e-commerce providers will need an infrastructure which is international in its nature, or recognise that electronic business is closed by national boundaries. Distinct from the international mass user and point solutions-based Internet market of today, large organisations are becoming critically attentive that they will need to manage accountability and liability in providing any significant level of customer security, especially with end-user customers, but especially in business between themselves in their interactions with employees, partners and suppliers. (Jacobsen, 2000) After two decades of declining economic performance, Angola is currently staging a promising revival. Over the past several years, average real economic expansion in the region has increased vitally while, in a growing number of countries, real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has been positive. In 1998, despite financial turmoil in Asia and Latin America, Angola enjoyed its fourth consecutive year of positive GDP expansion. Nevertheless, Angolas current economic revival remains fragile. Up to date expansion has not yet reached the sustained levels that are essential to alleviate widespread poverty endemic to the region. A number of hurdles still need to be effectively addressed and overcome if the transform process and current revival are to lead to broad-based and sustainable development for Angola. Furthermore, conditions vary widely among the forty-eight states of Angola and this diversity must be taken into account in assessing the countrys prospects. Fortunately, as this article seeks to demonstrate, there are reasons to be optimistic that many Angolan states can overcome the remaining hurdles to sustained expansion. A new generation of Angolan leaders and entrepreneurs and current developments in the areas of private sector expansion, debt relief, regional economic integration, and telecommunications have the potential to economic expansion in means not heretofore anticipated. Regional Transformation And Economic Revival Angolas up to date economic performance has indeed been encouraging. Between 1990 and 1997, the number of Angolan states registering annual expansion rates of three to six percent nearly doubled, from fourteen in the beginning of the decade to twenty-six in 1997, while seven Angolan states had expansion rates of six to eight percent. According to the International Finance Corporation (IFC), after almost two decades of stagnation and decline, real GDP in Angola was growing at an average rate in 1997 of four to five percent a year. The World Bank reported that over eighty percent of countries (thirty-eight out of forty-eight) registered increased per capita incomes in 1997, as their rates of economic expansion exceeded their population expansion rate. (World Bank Group, 1998) According to the most up to date data, 1998 was the fourth consecutive year that GDP per capita did not fall, an event that has not happened in Angola since the late 1970s,(Department Of Econ. Soc. Affairs Unite d Nations Conference On Trade Dev., 1999) while the 3.3% expansion in 1998 GDP was the highest among all regions of the world. (Economic Soc. Poly Div., Economic Commn For Afr., 1999) Increased macroeconomic stabilitya result of sound financial and political policieshas been encouraging increased levels of investment in the region over the past several years. Average inflation fell from a peak of forty-five percent in 1994 to an estimated twelve percent in 1998, with only fifteen Angolan states still experiencing double-digit inflation rates by 1997, compared with thirty-five in 1994, according to the IMF. There has also been a vital reduction in internal and external financial imbalances. The average external current account deficit (before grants) fell from 5.5% of GDP to 4% over the same period, while the average overall fiscal deficit (again before grants) was halved between 1992 and 1997, to about 4.5% of GDP.(Calamitsis, 1998) As a result, investment in the region has been steadily growing, according to the IFCs 1998 report. In 1998, gross domestic investment rose to twenty-three percent of GDP, from lows of about fifteen percent in the early 1990s. Private investment has also increased, registering 10.6% of GDP in 1996, the highest level since 1981. Long-term private capital flows to Angola in 1997 reached $8 billion, twice as high as in the previous year. Along with investment levels, Angolan trade and export earnings have increased. While Angolas share of total world trade has not changed, the volume of Angolan exports is expanding almost as fast as international trade and Angola is emerging as a viable international trading partner. Angolas trade volume increased by eight percent in 1997, according to UN s, with exports having expanded roughly twice as fast as GDP in up to date years. The regions up to date expansion has been widely attributed to the efforts of a new generation of transform-minded Angolan leaders in key countries who, through the adoption of democratic and market-based transforms, have made substantial progress in moving their countries toward political and macroeconomic stability. Many Angolan states continue to implement trade liberalisation and privatisation programmes that are freeing up their markets and helping them to become more active participants in international commercial activity and economic progress. In such a positive political and economic environment, private sector led trade and investment can now play an increasingly important role in bringing broad-based expansion and sustainable development to the region. Some countries in Angola have already begun to reap the rewards that can result from sounder fiscal and monetary policies, increased regional economic integration, and accelerated privatisation programmes. Chief among the rewards is expanded trade, investment, and access to the international marketplace, as international companies increasingly look to Angolas emerging economies and Angolan entrepreneurs and private sector organisations seek to play a more visible role in the economies of their countries. These trends suggest that the growing private sector in Angola has real potential to become an important engine for expansion and economic development in the region, as it has already in other regions of the developing world. Investment And Expansion Despite the up to date positive economic trends and expansion of the private sector in Angola, as we enter the new millennium, sustained, broad-based economic development in the region remains one of the most formidable policy challenges facing the country. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Angola (ECA), in order for Angola to cut its poverty in half by the year 2015, a development objective often cited by Angolan governments and their development partners, the region as a whole would require a yearly GDP expansion rate of seven percent. For this to happen, an investment of thirty-three percent of GDP would be needed for Angola as a whole. Achieving domestic investment of thirty-three percent looks increasingly unlikely, as two of the three components of domestic investment are declining or stagnant. While the regions current domestic savings rate is only estimated at fifteen percent, annual inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) remain low, and the levels o f official development assistance of up to date years are declining. The renewed expansion in many countries has not yet reached, let alone been sustained at, levels that would alleviate the widespread poverty endemic to the region. The great majority of the regions population continues to live at levels well below the poverty line, with forty percent living on less than one dollar a day, according to the World Bank. (The World Bank Group, 1999) Furthermore, the globalisation phenomenon, which has been highlighted by growing economic integration and rapid technological change, has often meant increased prosperity for those countries able to compete in an increasingly integrated international economy, but steady decline and marginalisation for those not able to compete. Still, too many countries have remained largely on the sidelines, saddled by debt and relying primarily on foreign assistance for many of their development needsat a time when such assistance is on the decline. Among the current obstacles to reaching levels of expansion that will bring broad-based development to the region, the following three matters pose particularly vital challenges: (1) the uncertain future of the transform process, (2) Angolas debt burden, and (3) the regions limited participation in the international trading system. A Delaying Transformation Although more than thirty countries have launched political and economic transform programmes over the last decade, the transform process has not been uniform across the country. Angolan leaders in some countries have been unwilling or unable to implement transform programmes, sometimes as a result of political or civil instability. In other countries, the difficulties or costs of transform have threatened to undermine the process and raise the possibility that a country could abandon the process before it has had sufficient time to bear fruit. For example, Zimbabwe has only recently re-instituted some protectionist measures, including increased duties and exchange restrictions in response to mounting foreign exchange pressures. Moreover, trade regimes in many Angolan states remain complex and restrictive compared with those of most other developing countries. Such regimes isolate their domestic producers and prevent them from becoming more fully integrated into the international tra ding system. In addition, the privatisation process has been sluggishthe victim of public mistrust and a lack of consensus among policymakers. In an up to date World Bank study that shed light on the problems of privatisation in Angola, the lack of political commitment, poor design, insufficient resources, weak management, and corruption were cited as major factors inhibiting the process. The report highlighted the need for Angolan governments to improve public information as the most powerful tool for ensuring transparency, helping to build consensus, and assuring commitment and accountability in the process. (White Bhatia, 1998) Poor economic environments and policies in some countries have also inhibited increased trade and investment. These conditions have caused rampant inflation and high interest rates and have prevented Angolan policymakers from fully abandoning foreign exchange controls and other restrictions. Earlier that year, Botswana became the first and only country in Angola to abolish all forms of exchange controls, (Steyn, 1999) while in some countries, inflation continues to lead to debilitating currency crisis. In Malawi, for example, inflation is now hovering at around 53% (up from 18.5% recorded at the same period in 1998), an indicator that the currency may need to be devalued yet again, after a devaluation of 67% in 1998. (Pan Angolan News Agency, 1999) Continued volatility in the Angolan market environment underlines the need for continued success in the transform process. The Liability Burden In addition to delaying transform, Angolas external liability burden continues to be a major obstacle to investment and further expansion, particularly in the highly indebted poor countries. Many Angola economies are unusually indebted with an average of twenty percent of GDP going directly to liability servicing, according to UNCTAD. (Sachs Stevens, 1998) In 1998, liability service increased to $35 billion, or more than thirty-one percent of goods and nearly three percent of service exports, up from $33 billion in 1997. The external liability of Angolan states rose moderately from $349 billion in 1998, according to the ECA. As a proportion of exports and GDP, the external liability of Angola is the highest of any developing region. Not only does Angolas liability deter private investment, including foreign direct investment, but it also impedes public investment in physical and human infrastructureinvestment vital to a countrys economic development. The IMF estimated that, by the end of 1999, Angolas liability to GDP ratio would rise to almost sixty-eight percent, up from fifty-two percent two years earlier. (International Monetary Fund, 1998) The region will continue to be crippled by mounting liability, draining it of needed resources that could otherwise be invested back into the regions economy, unless there is more rapid and effective liability relief matched with sustained expansion. Angola in the International Trading System and International Economy Angola is currently facing growing marginalisation in the international economy with its share of international production and trade in decline. Despite rising levels of Angolan domestic production and trade volumes over the last several years, the countrys share of international trade has continued to declineit was less than two percent in 1997. If the region is to gain an economic foothold and develop into the next century, it must attract more investment and trade, and become a more competitive trading partner in the new international economic system. Increasing commitments to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other regional accords thereby becoming a more active participant in the international trading systemis one way for Angola to attract investment and trade. The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations resulted in the creation of a stronger set of rules governing international trade and the creation of the WTO, the successor to the General Accords on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unfortunately, many countries in Angola were generally unable and unprepared to effectively participate in the negotiations and, partly as a result, have not been able to take advantage of the new international trading system. Although eighty-five percent of Angolan states are currently members of the WTO, limited trained staff and other pressing needs prevent many of them from active participation in WTO developments, further trade negotiations, and implementation of existing Uruguay Round accords. In addition, they have as yet been unable to take full advantage of numerous unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral preferential trading schemes designed to help expand access for Angolas products and integrate Angolas economies into the world trading system. The region is more likely to reap a larger share of international production and trade if it more actively participates in and undertakes meaningful commitments in the international trade organisation that is fostering the expansion of world trade. Road To Further Expansion And Sustainable Development In light of the existing challenges, what measures now need to be pursued to address these constraints and consolidate and build on the gains Angolas transformers have made over the past several years? According to Evangelos A. Calamitsis, former Director of the Angolan Department of the International Monetary Fund, the present economic upswing in Angola, unlike other recoveries in the past, has been largely homegrown and is therefore more likely to continue. However, Angolas present revival is most likely to endure if Angolan leaders can sustain and broaden the process toward transform and capitalise on several areas of strength that are breathing new life into the debate on private sector expansion and economic development. Staying the Road to Transformation Although outside the scope of this article, developments in Angolan states that are not counted as leading transformers can greatly influence the overall prospects for expansion on the country. For example, the fighting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in Angola can have a negative impact on the investment climate in neighbouring countries. On the other hand, the return of civilian rule in Nigeria and the prospects of better economic management can do a great deal to bolster investor confidence in the economic prospects for the country as a whole. Angolan leaders need to continue the political and economic transform process and encourage its spread to those countries that have not yet undertaken transforms. Many Angolan leaders have already demonstrated that they understand what needs to be done and have initiated the process. Still, the process must continue. If the region is to achieve high-quality and sustained expansionexpansion that will lead to poverty reduction and broad-based developmentin the years ahead, the transform process must be revitalised so that the changes become inexorably woven into the regions economic fabric. By continuing to implement sound fiscal and monetary policies and by accelerating the privatisation and trade liberalisation process, Angolan states will be proving to the international business community that Angola is serious about transform and ready and willing to do business. Despite up to date turbulence in the international economic environment, most Angolan states have resisted protectionist pressures. Their commitment to continue trade liberalisation highlights a general recognition among Angolas economic policymakers that increased trade has beenand will continue to bea key to expansion. In addition, Angolas growing participation in the WTO and regional trading arrangements by institutionalising policy transforms and binding lower tariffs and other trade liberalising measures can help to prevent countries from resorting to protectionist measures in the future. Role of Angolas Development Partners Angolas developed trade partners and the international financial institutions must continue to support regional transform if the process is to be sustainable. While Angolan states retain primary ownership and responsibility, for the process, the international community can support their efforts by (1) pursuing policies that promote world economic expansion and financial stability and expand the regions access to international markets, (2) providing meaningful liability relief, (3) continuing to supply technical and financial assistance to countries committed to transform, and (4) assisting Angolas regional economic groupings. Several up to date bilateral and multilateral initiatives demonstrate the commitment of some developed countries to support the regions up to date economic progress. While early speculation as to the potential impact of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations on the least-developed Angolan states was largely pessimistic following the Rounds conclusion, up to date bilateral and multilateral efforts are focusing on helping Angola take advantage of specific areas where it actually stands to gain as a result of the Round. According to an up to date report by the United States International Trade Commission on the Uruguay Round and U.S.-Angola trade flows, [t]hese gains can range from facing fewer restrictions and lower tariffs overall, affecting all WTO members, to specific market-access provisions that may benefit Angola in particular.(U.S. Intl Trade Commission, 1998) Efforts are also underway to expand existing preferential trading schemes like those under the Lome Convention and the U.S. Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) programme. For example, the Angolan Expansion and Opportunity Act (AGOA), now before the U.S. Congress, extends GSP to eligible Angolan beneficiary countries through June 30, 2008. In addition, the legislationas passed by the Housewould authorise the President to extend duty-free treatment under the GSP programme to all imports from transforming Angolan beneficiary countries, including those now considered to be import-sensitive. The changes to the GSP programme would support Angolas transformers by allowing their products increased access to international markets and would help to further integrate Angola into the international trading system, thereby increasing considerably the regions future economic prospects. In addition, a number of bilateral and multilateral technical assistance programmes in up to date years have sought to increase Angolas meaningful participation in WTO and diversify the regions trade. For example, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has funded a number of activities to increase Angolan governments capacity in the telecommunications area and in dealing with other WTO-related subjects. At the same time, some Angolan governments have recognised the importance of participating more actively in the work of the WTO in Geneva. As a result, developed and developing countries have joined together in proposals to have the WTO trade ministers at their meeting in Seattle in November 1999 and call for the WTO to improve and expand its technical assistance programmes for developing countries. Liability Reduction In the area of liability relief, international pressure has been mounting to expand the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in Angola. Launched by the World Bank and the IMF in 1996, the programme aims to provide exceptional liability relief assistance to forty-one eligible countries that are pursuing transforms, eighty-five percent of which are in Angola, according to the IMF.(Katsouris, 1998) Although to date, only two Angolan states, Uganda and Mozambique, have benefited from the HIPC Initiative (with a twenty percent and a two-thirds reduction of their respective debts), Burkina Faso, Cote d Ivoire, and Mali are scheduled to receive actual liability reduction in the next three years, according to the ECA. At the June 1999 Cologne Summit, the G-7 reached accord on the enhanced HIPC liability relief initiative. This scheme will provide faster, broader, and deeper relief for HIPC countries. The agreed enhancements to the HIPC Initiative accept, almost entirely, President Clintons proposals, as laid out during his address to the U.S.-Angola Ministerial in March 1999. The new HIPC will include a requirement to use savings from liability reduction to provide increased spending on social needs and human development. The $90 billion of liability reduction will require additional resources from the creditor governments and the international financial institutions. Under the proposal, up to 10 million ounces of the IMFs 104 million ounces of gold reserves would be sold in phases, with investment interest used to reduce the liability load of thirty-three poor countries in Angola. Paralleling the HIPC Initiative are unilateral and bilateral efforts that support faster and broader reduction of Angolas liability. For example, in March of 1999, the Clinton administration announced a new U.S. initiative that, if fully implemented, would amount to an additional $70 billion in liability cancellation for the heavily indebted poor countries. The Presidents initiative provides for (1) a focus on early cash flow relief by the international financial institutions, (2) complete forgiveness of bilateral concessional loans and ninety percent forgiveness of non-concessional liability, (3) a future international commitment to make at least ninety percent of new aid on a grant basis, and (4) the channelling of resources from the HIPC Initiative into education or environmental protection projects. In addition, on September 29, 1999, President Clinton announced at the IMF/World Bank annual meeting that he will seek legislative authorisation to forgive 100 percent of the liabilit y of HIPC countries owed to the United States when relief will help finance basic human needs. Regional Economic Integration and Globalisation A growing number of Angolan leaders appear to recognise the potential benefits of increased economic cooperation and have been supporting efforts at economic integration. Although many of the Angolan regional economic organisations, such as SADC, COMESA, WAEMU, and ECOWAS, have existed for a long time, only recently have these regional groupings taken vital steps toward the creation of free trade areas. The creation of larger integrated Angolan markets should result in enhanced opportunities for foreign and domestic investment, greater competition among firms, better utilisation and allocation of resources, internal and external economies of scale, and increased efficiency resulting from specialisation. Further, by enhancing trade among themselves as well as diversifying and expanding their production base, Angolan states stand to increase trade with other regions as well, thereby increasing the countrys share of international trade. The United States and international organisations have been supporting Angolas economic integration efforts. At the March 1999 Ministerial Meeting on Angola in Washington, D.C., the United States reaffirmed its continuing commitment to providing technical assistance to Angolas economic integration organisations such as EAC, SADC, IGAD, and COMESA and announced plans for extending that support to a greater number of regional groupings. Bilateral cooperation between the United States and SADC has been expanding over the last several years, a development highlighted by the first ever SADC-U.S. forum held in mid-April, 1999, in Botswana, where officials announced plans for the future establishment of a joint Business Council that would facilitate permanent dial

Mandatory Physical Education I :: essays research papers

Current high school students are becoming fatter, slower, and less motivated than past students. Many of these young people would prefer to be sitting passively in front of the television rather than to do something physically active. Most high school students believe they do not have sufficient time, opportunity or guidance to participate in physical activities. The ideal place in which students would be able to find adequate time, opportunity and guidance are in the high schools themselves. Politicians and educators responsible for the mandatory physical education program at the junior high school levels (grades eight to ten) should be applauded for this, but frowned upon for not enforcing it on senior high school students (grades 11 and 12). Physical Education is defined as â€Å"the process of education that develops the human body, specifically fitness and movement skills† (Baker, 1990, p. 14). This teaches students valuable skills that would be applicable to life, present and future. Students also learn how to work and interact with others to pursue goals in a way which academic subjects, such as mathematics and science, may not provide. Physical Education should be a requirement for all British Columbia high school students because it provides physical skills necessary for effective social functioning, offers educational value and teaches healthy habits reducing health risks. Opposition of mandatory Physical Education in high schools believe that if a student has not developed a desire for voluntary physical exercise by the time he or she reaches high school , he or she may not ever (Eberhardt). It is true that individuals should not be forced into something they don’t want to participate in, but if these students don’t get any exercise outside of school, where will they receive an appropriate amount of fitness? Paul Eberhardt, athletic director, intramural director and head coach of the McNair Marlins basketball team in Richmond, B.C., believes â€Å"that students don’t care about participating in P.E. anymore and we have to educate students on the benefits of Physical Education†. In the 1994-1995 school year there were 1,133 students enrolled at McNair High School but there were only four P.E. classes available, which meant approximately 120 students attended in these classes. The remaining 1013 grade eleven and twelve studen ts had no Physical Education at all. This is an astonishing figure. â€Å"Many students participate in sports and recreation activities outside of school, but most of them get hardly any exercise at all. Mandatory Physical Education I :: essays research papers Current high school students are becoming fatter, slower, and less motivated than past students. Many of these young people would prefer to be sitting passively in front of the television rather than to do something physically active. Most high school students believe they do not have sufficient time, opportunity or guidance to participate in physical activities. The ideal place in which students would be able to find adequate time, opportunity and guidance are in the high schools themselves. Politicians and educators responsible for the mandatory physical education program at the junior high school levels (grades eight to ten) should be applauded for this, but frowned upon for not enforcing it on senior high school students (grades 11 and 12). Physical Education is defined as â€Å"the process of education that develops the human body, specifically fitness and movement skills† (Baker, 1990, p. 14). This teaches students valuable skills that would be applicable to life, present and future. Students also learn how to work and interact with others to pursue goals in a way which academic subjects, such as mathematics and science, may not provide. Physical Education should be a requirement for all British Columbia high school students because it provides physical skills necessary for effective social functioning, offers educational value and teaches healthy habits reducing health risks. Opposition of mandatory Physical Education in high schools believe that if a student has not developed a desire for voluntary physical exercise by the time he or she reaches high school , he or she may not ever (Eberhardt). It is true that individuals should not be forced into something they don’t want to participate in, but if these students don’t get any exercise outside of school, where will they receive an appropriate amount of fitness? Paul Eberhardt, athletic director, intramural director and head coach of the McNair Marlins basketball team in Richmond, B.C., believes â€Å"that students don’t care about participating in P.E. anymore and we have to educate students on the benefits of Physical Education†. In the 1994-1995 school year there were 1,133 students enrolled at McNair High School but there were only four P.E. classes available, which meant approximately 120 students attended in these classes. The remaining 1013 grade eleven and twelve studen ts had no Physical Education at all. This is an astonishing figure. â€Å"Many students participate in sports and recreation activities outside of school, but most of them get hardly any exercise at all.

Argumentative Essay Essay

Governments should be more involved in citizens diets Modern age supermarkets selling off the shelve foods are normal nowadays. Unfortunately the knowledge of what is healthy and what is not had been effected by this. People should be better educated on what is healthy and what is not. Healthier diets make healthier citizens and healthier citizens will save a lot of money in health care, bad diets do cause expensive health problems. Although it is general knowledge that unhealthy products are cheaper than healthy products, it is not general knowledge that products claiming to be healthy are usually full of harmful and unhealthy ingredients. It is time the government steps in to protect the population. Firstly, health problems caused by bad, unhealthy diets weigh heavily on health care expenses. Several population-based prevention policies can be expected to generate substantial health gains while entirely or largely paying for themselves through future reductions of health-care expenditures according to The Lancet (Cecchini et al., 2010). Just by eating healthier a reduction will be made possible, this alone should be reason enough for a government to get more involved Secondly, people will be stimulated to choose healthier products when prices for unhealthy products will be raised. The current situation is just the other way around. The healthier choice is more expensive. â€Å"With proper nutrition and regular exercise, you can reduce the costs of health insurance premiums, the amount you spend on medicines and the number of co-pays for doctor visits† according to Livestrong (Ellyn 2011). However true this may be, as long as healthier products cost more instead of less people will be inclined to buy more unhealthy products. Thirdly, in order to make the healthier decision, information about unhealthy ingredients should be clearer and more visible. Reading food labels is strangely enough rather difficult, excellent vision and extensive knowledge on what the ingredients mean are necessary to understand the labels. â€Å"It makes it easier to compare similar foods to see which is a healthier choice† according to the Mayo Clinic (2012), however easier to understand labelling, easier to read labelling will enable more people to making that choice. In conclusion, if governments decide to invest in educating the population it will enable and stimulate citizens to make healthier choices. In order to reach this goal the government should demand clearer and more visible information on products concerning the ingredients put a fairer price on healthier products.

Trámites para viudos de ciudadanos para la green card

Los viudos de ciudadanos americanos pueden obtener tarjeta de residencia permanente, tambià ©n conocida como green card, despuà ©s del fallecimiento de sus cà ³nyuges. Esto aplica tanto a los matrimonios heterosexuales como a los igualitarios, es decir, a los celebrados entre dos varones o dos mujeres. Requisitos para que los viudos de ciudadanos puedan obtener la residencia permanente Pueden darse dos supuestos distintos. En primer lugar, cuando el ciudadano fallece tras haber solicitado la green card para su marido o mujer mediante la presentacià ³n a USCIS de la forma I-130. En este supuesto, no hay que rellenar ningà ºn formulario mà ¡s, ya que automà ¡ticamente las autoridades migratorias cambiarà ¡n esa forma a la I-360.   En estos casos, si la persona viuda se casa de nuevo podrà ­a obtener, a pesar de ello, la green card basada en la peticià ³n del I-130, por aplicacià ³n de la Seccià ³n 204(l) de la Immigration and Nationality Act. Ademà ¡s, si el fallecido no habà ­a solicitado la residencia para sus hijastros menores de 21 aà ±os y solteros, podrà ¡ hacerlo en ese momento el viudo o viuda. En segundo lugar,  si  el ciudadano fallecià ³Ã‚  sin haber presentado los papeles para pedir a su cà ³nyuge, el viudo o viuda podrà ¡ solicitar la tarjeta de residencia permanente por sà ­ mismo mediante la presentacià ³n el formulario  I-360. El requisito indispensable es que debe enviarse dicha planilla antes de que pasen dos aà ±os a contar desde el dà ­a de fallecimiento de su cà ³nyuge. Por ejemplo, si el ciudadano estadounidense fallecià ³ el 1 de mayo de 2018, la presentacià ³n del I-360 debe realizarse antes del 30 de abril de 2020. El costo actual de ese formulario es de $435. Ademà ¡s, en estos casos, la persona viuda no puede contraer nuevo matrimonio mientras està ¡ pendiente de que le salga la residencia permanente. Si lo hace, pierde ese derecho. Por ejemplo, Carolina Sà ¡nchez, viuda de un ciudadano, se casa con Pascual Duarte. Posteriormente se divorcia y quiere saber si podrà ­a iniciar el proceso para obtener la residencia permanente presentando la planilla I-360, basà ¡ndose en su condicià ³n de viuda de un ciudadano. La respuesta es no, ya que perdià ³ su derecho al casarse con Duarte. Asimismo, en la peticià ³n I-360 se puede incluir a los hijos comunes de la persona fallecida y el/la viudo/a y a los hijastros del fallecido solteros y menores de 21 aà ±os.   Cabe destacar que los hijos de la persona fallecida y su viudo/a podrà ­an ser ciudadanos estadounidenses desde su nacimiento. Si nacieron fuera de los Estados Unidos y nunca se pidià ³ para ellos la ciudadanà ­a, hay dos opciones. En primer lugar, aplicar por la ciudadanà ­a para ellos, en estos casos las autoridades estadounidenses podrà ­an pedirse una prueba de ADN. En segundo lugar, podrà ­a optarse por directamente incluir a los hijos en la peticià ³n del viudo/a y obtener asà ­, una green card. Finalmente, destacar que aplica tanto a los viudos que ya tenà ­an un I-130 presentado a su nombre en el momento de fallecimiento del ciudadano estadounidense como a los que no lo tenà ­an y, por lo tanto, siguen la opcià ³n de la presentacià ³n del I-360, la obligacià ³n demostrar que los esposos no estaban ni divorciados ni separados legalmente en el momento del fallecimiento del cà ³nyuge ciudadano. Asimismo, debe tenerse en consideracià ³n que si el ciudadano fallecido era militar y su fallecimiento ocurrià ³ en combate, el viudo/a debe asesorare porque puede tener derecho a beneficios especiales en aplicacià ³n de la ley 108-136. Trà ¡mites segà ºn el paà ­s de residencia del viudo Si el viudo vive en Estados Unidos ademà ¡s de la peticià ³n I-130 (si ya la habà ­a presentado el cà ³nyuge fallecido) o el I-360, se debe solicitar un ajuste de estatus mediante la forma I-485. Se puede presentar conjuntamente con la I-360 o en un momento posterior. Cabe destacar que si el fallecido habà ­a pedido a su cà ³nyuge mediante la planilla I-130 es muy posible que el ajuste de estatus ya està © pedido, en este caso no hay que volver a hacerlo. Es importante destacar que los migrantes indocumentados que llegaron a Estados Unidos cruzando ilegalmente la frontera no pueden ajustar su estatus. Las personas en esta situacià ³n deben asesorarse con un abogado antes de iniciar o seguir los trà ¡mites. Sin embargo, los migrantes que sà ­ pueden ajustar su estatus pueden solicitar un permiso de trabajo mientras espera a que se apruebe. Asimismo, pueden pedir un documento para viajar que se conoce como advance parole y que permite salir y entrar de nuevo en Estados Unidos sin ningà ºn problema. Estos dos beneficios se solicitan con el ajuste de estatus. Por el contrario, si el viudo vive fuera del paà ­s debe ir a travà ©s de lo que se conoce como procedimiento consular. Una vez que USCIS aprueba la peticià ³n, el Centro Nacional de Visas inicia la parte final del trà ¡mite que culminarà ¡ con la entrevista del viudo/a en un consulado estadounidense para la obtencià ³n de la visa de inmigrante para ingresar a EE.UU. como residente permanente. Problemas para sacar la green card para viudos de ciudadanos Para obtener la residencia permanente no es suficiente ser viudo de un ciudadano. Ademà ¡s,  hay que cumplir con los requisitos generales de admisibilidad en Estados Unidos. Si no se cumplen, la tarjeta de residencia serà ¡ negada. Entre todos los posibles problemas destaca, por su frecuencia, el de aplicacià ³n del castigo de los 3 y de los 10 aà ±os a los migrantes que han estado ilegalmente en Estados Unidos 180 dà ­as corridos o mà ¡s. En el caso de existir una causa de inadmisibilidad, dependiendo de la naturaleza de la misma podrà ­a ser posible solicitar una waiver, tambià ©n conocido como perdà ³n o permiso. Cambio de la ley El 28 de octubre de 2009 se revocà ³ la ley que exigà ­a a los viudos dos aà ±os de matrimonio con un ciudadano para poder sacar la residencia permanente. Desde entonces ya no aplica ese requisito. Puntos clave: obtencià ³n de green card para viudos de ciudadanos Si el fallecido ya habà ­a presentado un I-130 para pedir green card para su cà ³nyuge, no es necesaria otra peticià ³n.Si el fallecido no habà ­a presentado una peticià ³n para su viudo/a, à ©ste puede auto-solicitar la green card mediante la planilla I-360.El costo actual del formulario I-360 es de $435La presentacià ³n del I-360 debe completarse antes de cumplirse dos aà ±os de la fecha de fallecimiento del ciudadano estadounidense. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal

Law of Cosine to Figure Area of a Triangle

William Shakespeare s King Lear - 992 Words

A prominent theme of King Lear that is widely discussed in typical analyses is the theme of finding wisdom amongst madness and clarity amongst blindness. These themes focus heavily on Lear and Gloucester: Lear becomes wise once he begins to go mad, and Gloucester gains insight once he becomes blind. This theme, though considerably more obscure, is also present between Edmund and Edgar. Both characters start the play in a state of blindness and have a moment of clarity once their lives are drastically changed. Edgar starts the story in a state of naivety, which blinds him until he becomes a target for Edmund. In Act 1: Scene 2, Lines 1-23, we meet Edmund in a soliloquy about his distaste with society’s rules over legitimacy and inheritance. He quickly reveals his plan to usurp his brother’s inheritance: Well, then, legitimate Edgar, I must have your land. Our father’s love is to the bastard Edmund as to th’ legitimate. Fine word, â€Å"legitimate.† Well, my legitimate, if this letter speed and my invention thrive, Edmund the base shall top th’ legitimate. (1.2.17-22). Although Edmund creates this plan secretly, it should be no secret to Edgar that Edmund would want some sort of inheritance, and the only way to gain it would be to take it from him. In a society where inheritance was only given to legitimate children, and often only the eldest, family tension was very common. Therefore, Edgar had little excuse to be completely blind to Edmund’s resentment. When Edmund tells EdgarShow MoreRelatedWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1564 Words   |  7 PagesWilliam Shakespeare is universally known for his literary output both in poetry and drama. Whether through his laugh-invoking comedies or his heart-wrenching tragedies, Shakespeare’s plays have changed the course of literature. Many of his plays about love are widely praised by all, but Shakespeare s King Lear differs from the rest due to its definition of love. King Lear serves as an battleground between deception and compassion, between flattery and honesty. Rather than focusing on romantic loveRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1550 Words   |  7 PagesINTRODUCTION: By facilitating the growth of evil within William Shakespeare’s King Lear, it is evident that the tragedy’s protagonist, King Lear can be held accountable for his own victimization and ultimate downfall. The most notable aspects of this self-induced victimization include Lear’s own lack of practical wisdom and divergence from the natural order, combined with the neglect of kingship, that enables Lear as a tragic hero to create the conceptual framework in which the ulterior motives ofRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear3086 Words   |  13 PagesJerion Young Ms. Woods English IV 4 March 2015 King Lear William Shakespeare uses several literary elements in his writing, elements which are especially apparent in his play, King Lear. Shakespeare uses excellent creativity and description when writing this tragedy. â€Å"Neither has Shakespeare placed in the mouth of any other character in this play such fatalistic expressions as may be found in King Lear and occasionally elsewhere†(A.C. 2003). The way King Lear talks in this play is very evil compared toRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1611 Words   |  7 Pagesexperience life-changing events that jeopardize our sense of identity and make us question how we value ourselves. Our perception of our worth can change with what we learn through our existence, much like the characters in the play King Lear by William Shakespeare. Adversity and hardship are inevitable when characters are unable to connect themselves within their own identity or find a loss of self at some point in their role. The self-awareness, an essential a spect of their role, of many ofRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1320 Words   |  6 Pagesothers. Having strong communication skills allows one to better understand the situation at hand. Proper communication is essential to working out problems because of this reason. In the play King Lear by William Shakespeare, Lear communicating with his daughters, Gloucester communicating with his sons, and Lear communicating with Kent are all examples of failure of communication, which later lead to consequences and hardships that the characters must face. Without proper communication, people willRead MoreBlindness By William Shakespeare s King Lear2212 Words   |  9 PagesMaysoun Deeb Mr. A. T. Lebar EN4UN-04 13 July 2015 King Lear Blindness by definition, according to dictionaries, is â€Å"unable to see and lacking the sense of sight† by which King Lear, the classic tragic play written by William Shakespeare, illustrated the concept of blindness amongst his characters as the leading theme. King Lear and Gloucester were the characters that have been conflicted by this â€Å"blindness† that may or may not change their personalities in the very end of the play. Gloucester becomesRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1546 Words   |  7 PagesTwo Sides to Every Person There are two sides to every story; that of the protagonist and that of the antagonist. As shown in the Shakespearean play King Lear, there is very little difference between the two. Edmund, who appears to be a villain, is more than meets the eye. His evil is a rebellion against the social order that denies him legitimacy. His villainy does not come from innate cruelty but from misdirected desire for familial love. His remorse in the end displays his humanity and blindnessRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1510 Words   |  7 PagesShakespeare’s King Lear deals with tragic human relationship like the other tragedies of the author, but this story was written in social aspect and raises the doubtful point on legitimacy of some political systems. In this play, various characters form multi-layered kconflict relations. Thus, the story is being propelled towards tragedy due to numerous inner and outer conflicts of each character. However, as it is brought into being a charact er, Edgar in the end of the story, it implies new beginningRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear1470 Words   |  6 Pagesduring the Elizabethan era, making it relatable to all audiences, especially the modern audience, leaving room for multiple perspectives and understanding of the play. Shakespeare’s play ‘King Lear’, depicts the main protagonist’s ‘gradual descent into madness’ as a result of the forces of evil acting in the play for Lear has, to an extent, have sinned though it can’t outweigh that he has been sinned against. This is confirmed through Lear’s injudiciousness to see through his two eldest daughter’s internalRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s King Lear 1306 Words   |  6 Pagesâ€Å"All...shall taste the wages of their virtue...the cup of their deservings. (5.3.317-320)† King Lear is frequently regarded as one of Shakespeare’s masterpieces, and its tragic scope touches almost all facets of the human condition: from the familial tensions between parents and children to the immoral desires of power, from the follies of pride to the false projections of glory. However, one theme rings true throughout the play, and that very theme is boundless suffering, accentuated by the gruesome

Welfare of the State in Four Sections

Questions: 1: Evaluate the nature of State welfare provision.2: Evaluate theories of Welfare: Marxist and feminism, strength and weakness, pros and cons.3: Assess the impact of class on health.4: Analyse a range of theories and explanations of health inequalities. Answers: The paper discusses the welfare of the state in four sections. The first section evaluates the nature of the state welfare provisions that explains the welfare and welfare state and understands the provisions required for having a welfare state. It explains the strength and weakness of the provisions of welfare state. The strength of the state welfare provisions are its being humanitarian, religious, democratic, practical and of mutual self-interest and the weakness of the state welfare provision is that it allows people to use the property as they desire with full right. There are several views for welfare state, the most common view is it is an ideal state where development of industries, society serves the work force of the state and helps the state to grow. Evaluates the two theories of Welfare, Marxist and feminism in terms of their strength and weakness. The strength of the Marxist theory is its explanation of the way capitalism has deformed the nature of welfare state. The strength of Feminist theory is their concern to the position of women and about gender inequalities in the society. The weakness of the Marxist theory is to consider the welfare of the society in terms of exercise of power and profit earned by the business class. The weakness of the Feminist theory is too much concern about the gender inequality and on female disadvantages in the society The impact of class on health has been assessed. Health inequalities are defined as a difference in the distribution of health determinants between different groups of population or as the differences in the health status of the people in the society A range of theories and explanations of health inequalities is analyzed. Here a range of theories and explanation of health inequalities are discussed. The theories have developed to explain the poor health of the working class due to the poor diet, sub-standard living, low incomes, Unhealthy behaviour, bad occupational conditions and psycho social stress. 1: Evaluate the nature of State welfare provision The term welfare is always associated with needs but it generally goes beyond need and refers to achieve well being, to have choices and to have the scope to choose ambitions and goals. The term welfare state means different in different countries. In some countries it means an ideal model, where all responsibilities are taken by the state for the universal welfare of its citizens. On the other hand, in some countries, it is used for the welfare provided by the country and in other states, it is used for the social protection that is provided not only by the state but also by the people who does public service and the volunteers (Walby 2012). The government has used the concept welfare state to explain the key role played by the state in the promotion and protection of the economic and social well-being of its citizen. The principles of equitable distribution of wealth, equality of opportunity, public responsibility are used for those who are not able to avail themselves the minimal provisions for a good life. A modern welfare state is defined by the sociologist as a combination of welfare, capitalism and democracy. The most developed welfare state is classified into three categories, Liberal, Conservative and social democratic (Walby et al.2012). In a welfare state a transfer of funds is required from the state to the services provided, like education, healthcare etc. directly to the individuals. Redistributionist taxation system is used for funding which includes larger income tax for higher income earner, known as progressive tax system, helps to reduce the income gap between rich and poor (Vogel 2013). The strength of the state welfare provisions are its being humanitarian, religious, democratic, practical and of mutual self-interest. The concern about poverty has led to the development of several areas. Some religions have made charity as one of their religious duty or as social responsibility. Several welfare states have developed from the mutual activities of groups and not by state activities. Democratic rights have helped to give social protection. Further, social and economic benefits are derived from welfare provisions. A country that has good welfare provisions tends to have less poverty and richer compared to countries that have less provisions of welfare (Stephens et al. 2012). The weakness of the state welfare provision is that it allows people to use the property as they desire with full right. It makes the people interdependent on each other and the social arrangement decides the production of the property. Further, it is true that property rights are important but other moral values should also be given equal importance. Further, welfare state weakens economic performances of a country. The provision of welfare state traps the people in poverty and encourages dependency. It excludes the people who are not part of the family relationships and welfare of a state is based on mutual responsibility and social network. Those who are not part of the social network are excluded from the state welfare provision. The need of finance for the welfare does not only depend on taxation but also on contribution by the volunteers. It is difficult get good contribution for the welfare state by the volunteers (Rose and Harrison 2014). There are several views regarding the state welfare provisions. Some says, welfare state is an ideal state where development of industries, society serves the work force of the state and helps the state to grow. It helps to balance the economy during recession. On the other hand, some are of the view that welfare state is a burden on the performance of an economy. Public expenditure done for welfare state hampers economic growth. It is difficult to understand the relationship between public spending and economy. There is not much of the evidence which shows that when a country spends more on welfare then it develops faster than the country which spends less on welfare (Palncia et al. 2013). 2: Evaluate theories of Welfare: Marxist and feminism, strength and weakness, pros and cons Marxist school has developed the theory of welfare state based on the relationship of the exercise of power. The welfare of the state is developed through the strength of the resistance of working class to exploitation. Marxist has seen the society in terms of the conflict among the economic classes. The dominant class were the owners of the means of production and the working class were exploited by them. According to Marxism, the welfare of the society depends on how the power is exercised (Murcia et al. 2013). Feminism theory of state welfare is different from Marxist theory of state welfare. It makes a commitment to change the society and relates the concept of welfare to the position of women in the society The theory have tried to explore the complicated relationship between statutory welfare services, capitalism and womens equal position in the family and at work. The theory has explained the different ways in which the female welfare are exposed to the disabling effects of welfare. It has developed theories of social conflicts that explain how the women are at disadvantaged in the society as well as in the welfare state (Muntaner et al. 2013). The strength of the Marxist theory is its explanation of the way capitalism has deformed the nature of welfare state. The Marxist theory have argued that economic system of a country requires to undergo some fundamental changes if the welfare state has to live according to its assurance to meet the need of the human. Further Marxist have gone beyond the quantitative limits of the welfare state and does not believed in the older tradition that says human freedom is dependent on the social relationships (Modleski 2015). The strength of Feminist theory is their concern to the position of women and about gender inequalities in the society. They have looked at the gender dimension to the existing theory of welfare state. In this regard, feminist theory have developed theories of social conflicts where they have explored the issue of conflicting interest among the men and women in a society. The theory has also exposed the inequalities of power within the home and the concept of women domination. They have tried to reinforce the idea that political is not different from personal. A women liberation in a society depends on her liberation at home. The feminist theory has come out of the traditional thought of practices at home as private matter and has played an important role in changing the structure of personal relationship and goals of females in the society that has given new ways to men and women to live their life (Meyers 2014) The weakness of the Marxist theory is to consider the welfare of the society in terms of exercise of power and profit earned by the business class. The welfare of the society is beyond the financial gains. It depends on the inner development of the human being which is not considered by the Marxism. They have given priority to class division in the society and have not spoken about the welfare of the females and children separately (Lahelma et al. 2015). The weakness of the Feminist theory is too much concern about the gender inequality and on female disadvantages in the society. In the process, the feminist theory has neglected the importance of male in a society and the development of the children irrespective of the gender. It is true that the welfare o a state depends on women development in a society but along with that other development factors are to be considered, which is ignored in the feminist theory (Jones and Higgs 2013). 3: Assess the impact of class on health Health inequalities are defined as a difference in the distribution of health determinants between different groups of population or as the differences in the health status of the people in the society. People from different social classes have different mobility and mortality rates between the elderly and the younger population which lead to health inequality. The inequality in health and inequity need to be distinguished in the discussion of health inequality. When the health inequality is due to the biological variation of the individual, it is beyond the control of the individuals. In this case, it is impossible to change the determinants of health and avoid the inequalities of health. On the contrary, when the health inequality is due to the external environment of the society of gender or class inequality then it can be avoidable. The unfair and unjust means of treatment to the people of different social class leads to inequality of health (Hobbs 2016). The social class treatment in a society has a great impact on the health of the people. If the different class of the people receives different treatment in the behavioural pattern of the society then it also lead to unequal treatment to the health of the people belonging to different social class. Classification of social class is generally according to the profession of the people with respect to the treatment received for their health. They are professional occupations, skilled, partly skilled and unskilled occupations and managerial and technical occupations. The social class of an individual influences the health damaging behaviour of a person like, consumption of alcohol, tobacco, drugs, use of immunisation, choices of diet, leisure time activity. The difference in the social class explains one-third of the differences in the health behaviour (Hennessy 2012). The people in the society who are exposed to poverty suffer more health hazard compare to others. These people are more exposed to air-pollution and damp housing due to their way of living and hence having greater impact on health issues. The children living in the damp housing has higher rates of respiratory disease. Such materialistic differences also lead to health inequalities among the people of different social class (Hekman 2013). Differences in the social circumstances may bring about differences in emotional responses which in turn lead to biological changes and further to health inequalities. Further differences in the maintaining the balance between work and home or the balance between rewards and efforts affect the health of the people and results in different complications of health. People who face poor home condition in the childhood are liable to get poor health in the future than people who face healthy childhood. The social class of the people has a great impact on the inequalities of health (Grant 2013). The social class differences arise due to occupation a difference that has an impact on health inequalities. The occupation which are handled by men are subject to more health hazard such as, dangerous machinery, exposure to toxic chemicals , motor bike racing, rock climbing and others. Each occupation has different impact on health and thus leading to health inequalities (Donovan 2012). 4: Analyse a range of theories and explanations of health inequalities There are a range of theories and explanation of health inequalities.. The theories have developed to explain the poor health of the working class due to the poor diet, sub-standard living, low incomes, Unhealthy behaviour, bad occupational conditions and psycho social stress. Three main dimensions of social stratification and health inequality are social class, social status and political power. The health inequality report has been explained through a report of a working group, called as The Black Report. The report explains the health inequalities through artefact, culture, behaviour, structural conditions and social selection. Health of an individual is largely influenced by the social position of the individual. The personal characteristics of an individual determine the behaviour of the people and their social position which in turns affects their health and creates inequalities of health (Burton 2012). The black report was published by the Department of Health in Britain to express concern of the failure of the Britain government in bringing improvement in the health of the people. The objective of the report was to gather the information about the health status differences in the social class and to understand the factors responsible for it. The report wanted to identify the casual relationship between the social class and health inequalities and to make suggestion to do research on the concerned areas. The report wanted to find evidences in the international and national levels of such casual relationship and provide solution to reduce the inequalities of health. The lower occupational groups have poorer health quality at all stages of life (Dale and Foster 2012). The report explains the measures of inequalities and defines the problem of inequalities. It looks at the social structure of health, utilization problems of health service, inequality trends of health and the evidence from the international levels. In this regard, the report explains the social inequalities of health. It also reviews the implication of such social inequalities and finds areas of research for future information. Some policies are recommended as a solution to the problem of inequalities of health. The services associated with health are also discussed in the report with some key factors relating to the social policy (Biddle 2014). The report has shown evidences of social health inequalities in Britain which is country of substantial amount of resources Such a problem of social health inequalities n a developed economy is not acceptable, The report suggest that educationally and socially a broader understanding of health should be encouraged and there should be some means to achieve the broader level of understanding. It includes improvement in housing facilities, income generation good working and environment conditions. There is a need to balance between the economic and social policies in highly industrialised economy in order to achieve high standards of health. The report has identified poverty as one of the major cause of social health inequalities and has taken it as a disease which cannot be controlled by medicines (Artz 2012). Further the report says provisions for better medical service is very important and should be given to all without any reservation in its distribution to the social class people. A system of health service must be made that reaches to everybody without any discrimination between sick and healthy, poor and rich. Moreover, it is important to have evaluation system to understand the progress of the policies and to find out the reason for not achieving the objectives and to find out the obstacles so that solution can be achieved (Barr 2014). Hence the objective of any state should be to achieve equality of health among the social class and to remove all the obstacles that come in the way of attaining the equality and removing all kinds of inequalities in the health status of the people of different social class. References Artz, L., 2012. Globalization, media hegemony, and social class. Globalization of Corporate Media Hegemony, The: Evaluating California's Imprisonment Crisis, p.1. Barr, D.A., 2014. Health disparities in the United States: Social class, race, ethnicity, and health. JHU Press. Biddle, B., 2014. Social class, poverty and education. Routledge. Burton, C., 2012. Subordination (RLE Feminist Theory): Feminism and Social Theory. Routledge. Dale, J. and Foster, P. eds., 2012. Feminists and State Welfare (RLE Feminist Theory). Routledge. Donovan, J., 2012. Feminist theory: The intellectual traditions. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. Grant, J., 2013. Fundamental feminism: Contesting the core concepts of feminist theory. Routledge. Hekman, S., 2013. The future of differences: Truth and method in feminist theory. John Wiley Sons. Hennessy, R., 2012. Materialist Feminism and the Politics of Discourse (RLE Feminist Theory) (Vol. 21). Routledge. Hobbs, G., 2016. Explaining social class inequalities in educational achievement in the UK: quantifying the contribution of social class differences in school effectiveness. Oxford Review of Education, 42(1), pp.16-35. Jones, I.R. and Higgs, P., 2013. Class and health inequalities in later life. Social class in later life: Power, identity and lifestyle, pp.113-122. Lahelma, E., Pietilinen, O., Rahkonen, O., Kivimki, M., Martikainen, P., Ferrie, J., Marmot, M., Shipley, M., Sekine, M., Tatsuse, T. and Lallukka, T., 2015. Social class inequalities in health among occupational cohorts from Finland, Britain and Japan: A follow up study. Health place, 31, pp.173-179. Meyers, D.T., 2014. 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Social class in Europe: An introduction to the European socio-economic classification. Routledge. Stephens, N.M., Markus, H.R. and Fryberg, S.A., 2012. Social class disparities in health and education: Reducing inequality by applying a sociocultural self model of behavior. Psychological review, 119(4), p.723. Vogel, L., 2013. Marxism and the oppression of women: Toward a unitary theory. Brill. Walby, S., Armstrong, J. and Strid, S., 2012. Intersectionality: Multiple inequalities in social theory. Sociology, p.0038038511416164.